Lying Bloody Government: Police Killings, Torture, and Impunity on Kenyan Streets

Nairobi, March 4 – Kenya’s latest 14th periodic report to the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights describes a country doing everything to strengthen its justice system and prevent impunity. In the nearly 90-page report, the government highlights increased funding for oversight bodies, human rights training for police, and the work of the Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA). Between 2018 and 2024, IPOA says it resolved 12,732 out of 20,112 complaints, conducted 4,865 investigations and referred 773 files to the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (ODPP), leading to 30 convictions.

Yet on the ground, the picture looks very different. Since the start of 2026 alone, bullets have claimed lives more in the streets, teargas has reached into places of worship, and families continue to face a justice system struggling to hold law enforcement accountable.

On the evening of February 7, 2026, 19-year-old Sheryl Adhiambo, a first-year student at the Kenya Medical Training College, was in Huruma, a densely populated neighbourhood in Nairobi. She did not return home. Police officers, reportedly pursuing robbery suspects, opened fire. Adhiambo was shot and killed. She was not among the suspects. Her death, rights groups say, was not an isolated incident. It was the seventh fatal police shooting recorded in just over a month.

The Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) has compiled a chronology of the killings. While many Kenyans were celebrating the New Year, the family of 14-year-old Dennis Ringa in Mombasa began 2026 in grief, after he was fatally shot. On January 11, 20-year-old Shukri Adan was shot dead in Mukuru kwa Njenga, Nairobi. January 18 saw the killing of George Gathu Matheri, 40, in Nyeri. A day later, Godfrey Muyonga, 52, and Benedict Isiakali, 34, were shot dead in Kakamega. The violence extended into February. On February 1, James Muraga Maina, 29, and Daniel Nudhu Njoki, 45, were killed in Kahawa West, Nairobi, according to KHRC’s records.

KHRC says at least seven people have been killed by police since the start of 2026, with others injured in separate incidents, including a man shot during protests against demolitions in Mukuru kwa Njenga and youths in Nandi reportedly attacked while merely playing pool.

The cases echo a pattern documented before the new year. In December 2025, Civicus Monitor, KHRC, and the Civic Freedoms Forum (CFF-Kenya) released a joint report recording 97 alleged extrajudicial killings and 72 cases of torture. Among them was Albert Ojwang, reportedly tortured in police custody before his death on June 7, 2025.

In April 2025, the IPOA, in response to a BBC documentary over the 2024 protests, said it had registered 60 killings, of which “it had completed 22 investigations, while it was actively pursuing 36” and had charged two cases to court.

The government, in its ACHPR submission, notes that IPOA investigated six complaints of torture between 2022 and 2025 – a fraction of the cases documented by civil society. For families like that of 28-year-old Vincent Ayomo, shot during a political rally in Kitengela on February 15, official investigations offer limited reassurance. IPOA has opened a probe into Ayomo’s death – the third fatal police shooting inquiry in just over a month – even as new cases continue to be reported.

The horror of Kahawa West

Perhaps the most disturbing incident – one that challenges the government’s claims under Article 5 on the prohibition of torture – occurred in the Kiwanja area of Kahawa West on February 1,  2026. Human rights groups and local residents reported that James Muraga Maina, 29, and Daniel Thuku Maina, 45, were accosted inside a maize farm belonging to a police sergeant from Kiwanja Police Station. Rather than being arrested, the men were beaten with blunt objects and forced to swallow raw maize mixed with red pepper. Maina allegedly died at the scene, while Muraga was rushed to Kenyatta University Teaching, Referral and Research Hospital and pronounced dead shortly after arrival. Postmortem examinations confirmed severe blunt force trauma to the head as the cause of death, multiple defensive injuries, and undigested maize and red pepper in their stomachs, indicating the food had been forcibly administered shortly before death.

VOCAL Africa, whose representatives attended the postmortems, said the findings point to a clear pattern of torture. “Their front sides were almost untouched, which suggests they were lying face down or against a wall,” said VOCAL Africa CEO Hussein Khalid. “Both died from blunt force trauma to the head, which caused severe brain bleeding and ultimately led to their deaths. This is a horrific way to die, allegedly at the hands of those meant to protect lives”.

The police officer at the centre of the incident reportedly recorded a statement maintaining that he was a “good Samaritan” who only responded to distress calls from the maize farm owner and did not directly participate in the alleged torture. No arrests had been made as of late February.

The government’s report to the African Commission emphasises the operational independence of IPOA and notes the establishment of a tripartite taskforce comprising the ODPP, IPOA, and the National Police Service to coordinate investigations into torture cases. The report says ODPP is managing over 136 criminal cases against police officers, including 30 related to extrajudicial killings and others involving various sexual and penal code offenses. Yet, for those tracking the cases on the ground, the machinery of justice appears to be grinding to a halt.

In Siaya County, the Community Initiative Action Group Kenya is still waiting for answers nearly six months after the killing of Felix Olwero, the former Siaya County Assembly Clerk. Olwero was shot dead at close range inside his home on the night of August 17, 2025. Despite the alleged shooter being a police officer and witnesses reportedly present, no officer has been suspended, no forensic findings released, and no prosecutions initiated.

This perceived impunity has pushed civil society to the brink of taking the law into their own hands – legally speaking. In a strongly worded statement issued in mid-February, the KHRC gave the Director of Public Prosecutions, Renson Ingonga, a seven-day ultimatum to prosecute officers responsible for the recent fatal shootings, including the killing of Sheryl Adhiambo. The warning was unprecedented: act within a week, or the commission would pursue private prosecutions against the officers.

KHRC also demanded the immediate resignation of Inspector General of Police Douglas Kanja, holding him personally responsible for fostering a “culture of impunity” where police bypass the rule of law in favour of lethal force.

The attack on worshippers

Another single incident that encapsulates the gap between the government’s glossy report to the ACHPR and the ground reality better than what human rights groups and citizens have called a “Day of Shame”.

On January 25, worshippers at St. Peter’s ACK Church in Wairima, Othaya, Nyeri County, were attending a peaceful Sunday service when police officers reportedly deployed teargas inside the building, affecting children and the elderly. The Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR) condemned the action as “manifestly excessive, disproportionate, and indiscriminate,” constituting a severe breach of the Bill of Rights. KNCHR said that this was part of a growing trend of attacks on places of worship amid political tensions, and that the actions of the State agents violated the right to freedom of religion, freedom of assembly, and most disturbingly, the freedom and security of the person.

The government report under Article 5 on the Prohibition of Torture, the government outlines training programmes for prosecutors and the establishment of standard operating procedures for handling torture complaints. Yet these incidents highlight how such safeguards appear ineffective in practice.

A week earlier, on the night of January 10 in Nandi Hills, police officers reportedly stormed a pool hall around 11:50 pm. They ordered young men to lie on the floor, produce their identification, and hold the IDs in their mouths while being beatenA week earlier, on the night of January 10 in Nandi Hills, police officers reportedly stormed a pool hall around 11:50 pm. They ordered young men to lie on the floor, produce their identification, and hold the IDs in their mouths while being beaten. A viral video of the incident circulated widely, sparking public outrage. Many Kenyans questioned what crime the youths had committed, noting that playing pool is legal and that there is no law requiring citizens to carry identification at all times.

The officers involved were reportedly transferred to other stations, which raises concerns about accountability and the continued perception of impunity within the police service. The Police Reforms Working Group condemned the assault, warning that transferring implicated officers instead of suspending or investigating them undermines public trust and perpetuates a cycle of impunity.

“Under the National Police Service Act, allegations of excessive force and abuse of authority must be met with prompt investigations and, where appropriate, immediate interdiction or suspension. Moving an officer to a different station undermines public confidence and creates significant hurdles for victims seeking justice,” PRWG said.

Inspector General Kanja directed the Internal Affairs Unit to conduct its own probe, but as of late February, no disciplinary action had been taken against the officers.

The North Eastern nightmare

While Nairobi dominates headlines, a more systematic pattern of violence has been unfolding in Marsabit and Isiolo counties. Since February 2025, security agencies have been conducting “Operation Ondo Jangili” – a state-sanctioned operation ostensibly aimed at flushing out members of the Oromo Liberation Army, an Ethiopian rebel group. Human rights defenders on the ground, however, paint a starkly different picture. Local activists say more than 81 people have been killed, with several others disappearing or reporting severe torture before being released. Many of those arrested are reportedly never arraigned in court and are not informed of the charges against them.

Youth advocate Wako Guro described the operation’s impact on pastoralist communities: “The operation is more intense in Moyale. Young people are arrested, tortured, others get released, but in some cases, bodies are recovered.” Among the cases documented is that of Liban Boru Charfi, who was allegedly abducted on January 25; his body was found three days later after he was picked up in an unmarked vehicle. Two others, identified as Boru Guyo and Yusuf Halakhe, reportedly disappeared while leaving home to buy household essentials for a lactating mother.

Rights groups have raised concerns over what they describe as unlawful arrest methods, including claims that suspects are handed over to Ethiopian authorities. Advocate Kana Golicha said, “They abduct young people and go as far as handing them over to the Ethiopian police. There are many young Kenyans in Ethiopian prisons, where I have visited them.”

Police spokesperson Muchiri Nyagah dismissed the allegations, saying, “We don’t have such killings… No reports made at all. These are numbers someone is trying to throw around without anything to show. ‘Operation Ondoa Jangili’ has been carried out with professionalism.”

The government’s submission to the African Commission highlights legal reforms, declining prison populations, and operational milestones. It notes an increase in public institutions certified for access to information and the operationalisation of the Public Benefits Organizations Act.

The reports says: “The NPS continues to implement its Training and Development Policy, updated in August 2024, which emphasizes human rights compliance, lawful crowd control, and adherence to legal standards.”

But the reality on the ground tells a far grimmer story than official reports suggest.